Kshatriya caste is surname of many people in southern India. Kshatriya caste meaning is The second, or ruling and military caste of the four castes of Manu. In the Madras Census Report, 1891, it is recorded that the term Kshatriya is, of course, wholly inapplicable to the Dravidian races, who might with as much, perhaps more, accuracy call themselves Turks. There possibly are a few representatives of the old Kshatriya castes, but the bulk of those who figure in the returns under this head are pure Dravidian people. The claim to the title is not confined to the old military classes desirous of asserting their former position, for we find it put forward by such castes as Vannias and Shanans, the one a caste of farmers and labourers, the other toddy-drawers. It is not possible to distribute these pseudo-Kshatriyas among their proper castes, as 70,394 of them have given Kshatriya as the sub-division also. It is noted, in the Madras Census Report, 1901, that Parasurama is said to have slain all the Kshatriyas seven times over, but 80,000 persons have returned themselves as such in this Presidency alone. Strictly speaking, there are very few persons in the Presidency who have any real title to the name, and it has been returned mainly by the Pallis or Vanniyas of Vizagapatam, Godavari, and Chingleput, who say they are Agnikula Kshatriyas, by the Shanans of Tinnevelly, and by some Mahratis in South Canara. In Tinnevelly, Kammas and Balijas have also returned the name. It is further recorded, in the Mysore Census Report, 1901, that the castes grouped under the head Kshatriya are the Arasus, Rajaputs, Coorgs, and Sikhs. To the Arasu section belongs the Royal [80]Family of Mysore. Some Rachevars style themselves Arya Kshatriyalu.
For the following note on MalayalaKshatriyas, I am indebted to Mr. N. Subramani Aiyar. There is an old Sanskrit verse, which describes eight classes of Kshatriyas as occupying Kerala from very early times, namely, Bhupala or Maharaja, as those of Travancore and Cochin, Rajaka or Raja, as those of Mavelikkara and Cranganore, Kosi or Koil Tampuran, Puravan or Tampan, Sri Purogama or Tirumulppad, Bhandari or Pandarattil, Audvahika or Tirumulppad, and Cheta or Samanta. The Samantas cannot be looked upon as Malayala Kshatriyas proper. The indigenous Kshatriyas of Kerala are divided into four well distinguishable septs, viz, the Koil Pandala, the Raja, the Tampan; and the Tirumulppad. The total number of Malayala Kshatriyas in Travancore is 1,575, the largest number living in the taluks of Tiruvella, Vaikam, and Mavelikara. Tampans live mostly at Vaikam, and Tirumulppads at Shertallay and Tiruvella. The remaining two septs are not so much caste septs as isolated groups of families. Koil Pandala literally means the keeper of the royal treasury. Tampan is a corruption of Tampuran, the latter being a title directly applied to the Rajas, while the term Tirumulppad, in its literal sense, conveys the idea of those who wait before kings. Women are known as Tumpurattis in the first two, as Tampattis in the third, and Nampishthatiris in the fourth division. The Pantalam Rajas have the title of Sriviradhara, and those of Mullanikkadu of Narasimha.
According to immemorial tradition, Koil Tampurans were the nephews of the Cheraman Perumals or viceroys of Chera, who ruled at Cranganore, their earliest residence being Beypore in British Malabar, where three or four [81]families of this sept lived at the beginning of the Christian era. From one of these families, male members were invited about 300 M.E, for marrying the ladies of the Venadswarupam, i.e, the Travancore royal house. They began to live at Kilimanur in the Chirayinkil taluk, six miles from Attingal, where the female members of the royal family permanently resided. In 963 M.E, the year in which Tipu Sultan invaded Malabar, eight persons, five females and three males, belonging to the Alyankodu Kovilakam in North Malabar fled, and found shelter in Travancore. All their expenses were commanded to be met from the State treasury. As the five women were only cousins and not uterine sisters, one of them removed herself to the rural village Kirtipuram near Kandiyur in the Mavelikkara taluk, and thence to Gramam, a little further in the interior. Another, in course of time, settled at Pallam in Kottayam, and a third at Paliyakkara in Tiruvella, while the fourth, having no issue, stayed with the youngest at the Nirazhi palace of Changanacheri. This last lady gave birth to five children, being three females and two males. The first of these branches removed to Anantapuram in Kartikapalli in 1040, and the second to Chemprol in Tiruvella in 1041, while the third continued to reside at Changanacheri. After 1040 M.E, three more Koil Pandala families immigrated from British Malabar, and settled at Cherukol, Karamma, and Vatakkematham. These, however, are not so important as the previous ones. As already stated, the Kilimanur Koil Tampurans were among these the earliest settlers in Travancore, and a whole property (revenue village) was granted to them in freehold in 1728 A.D, in recognition of the sacrifice a member of the family made in saving the life of a Travancore prince from the murderous attack of the [82]Ettuveetil Pillamar. The first family of Kolasvarupam Rajas immigrated into Travancore in the fifth century M.E. As the Travancore royal house then stood in need of adoption, arrangements were made through a Koil Tampuran of the Tattari Kovilakam to bring two princesses for adoption from Kolattunad, and the first family of Rajas, known as the Putupalli Kovilakam, settled at Kartikapalli. The family is now extinct, as the last member died in 1033 M.E. The next family that migrated was Cheriyakovilakam between 920 and 930, also invited for purposes of adoption. These latter lived at Aranmula. The third series of migrations were during the invasion of Malabar by Tipu Sultan in 964 M.E, when all the Rajas living at the time went over to Travancore, though, after the disturbance was over, many returned home. The Rajas of the Kolasvarupam began to settle permanently in the country, as they could claim relationship with the reigning sovereigns, and were treated by them with brotherly affection. There were only two branches at the beginning, namely, Pallikovilakam and Udayamangalam. The families of Mavelikara, Ennaykkad and Prayikkara are divisions of the Chengakkovilakam house. The Udayamangalam house has branched off into three divisions, Mittil, whose descendants now live at Mariyapalli, Nedumprum, and Kartikapalli. Naduvilekkovilakam members live at Perinjel in Aranmula, and Cheriyakovilakam, whose members are divided into five other families, in the same locality. No branch of the Udayamangalam house resides in British Malabar. Some of these branches even now own large estates in that collectorate. There are two other important families of Rajas in Travancore, viz, those of Pantalam and Punjat. Both of them are believed to have been related to the early Pandyan [83]kings. The reason alleged for the immigration of the Pantalam Rajas into Travancore is the persecution of a Nayak minister in mediæval times, who compelled them to change their mode of inheritance from marumakkathayam (in the female line) to makkathayam (from father to son), and then marry his daughter. They are supposed to have sojourned at Sivagiri and Tenkasi in the Tinnevelly district on their way to Travancore. Ilattur in the Shenkottah taluk originally belonged to them, but was afterwards taken over by Travancore in default of payment of the annual subsidy. Tampans are believed by tradition to have had territorial sovereignty in Kerala, until they were deprived of it by the Ilayetasvarupam kings. This does not appear to have any basis of truth, as the Ilayetasvarupam kings lived in Central Travancore, while the Tampans live in the north, where the former are never known to have led any invasion. In mediæval times, both Tampans and Tirumalppads were invariably commanders of armies. With the invasion of Malabar by Tipu Sultan, many sought refuge in the kingdom of Travancore, and continued to live here after the passing of the storm.
The Malayala Kshatriyas are as a class learned. Both men and women are, in the main, accomplished Sanskrit scholars. Mr. Kerla Varma, C.S.I, Valiyakoil Tampuran, a finished poet and an accomplished patron of letters, and Mr. Ravi Varma, the talented artist, are both Koil Tampurans. The houses of the Koil Tampurans and Rajas are known as kottarams or kovilakams, i.e, palaces, while those of the Tampans and Tirumalppads are known as kovilakams and mathams. The Malayala Kshatriyas resemble the Brahmans in their food and drink. The males dress like the Nambutiris, while the dress and ornaments of the [84]women are like those of other classes in Malabar There are, however, three special ornaments which the Kshatriya ladies particularly wear, viz, cheru-tali, entram, and kuzhal. The Koil Pandalas and Rajas are landlords of considerable wealth, and a few have entered the Civil Service of the State. The Tampans and Tirumalppads, besides being landlords and agriculturists, are personal servants of the ruling families of Kerala, the latter holding this position to even a greater extent than the former. The Kshatriya personal attendants of the Maharajas of Travancore serve them with characteristic fidelity and devotion.
The Malayala Kshatriyas are a particularly religious community. In a place within their houses, called tevarappura or the room for religious worship, the Vaishnavite salagrama and Saivite linga are kept together with the images of other deities, and Brahmans officiate at their worship. Ganapati puja (worship), and antinamaskaram are regularly observed.
As all the Koil Tampurans belong to one sept or gotra, that of Visvamitra, and all the Rajas to another, that of Bhargava, neither of these divisions are permitted to marry among themselves. The Tirumalppads also, with their local divisions such as Ancherri, Koyikkal, Plamtanam, and Kannezham, own Visvamitra, and hence do not marry among themselves. As for the Tampans, all the families belonging to that group trace their descent to a common ancestor, and belong to the same sept as the Koil Tampurans and Tirumalppads. As a consequence, while the Koil Tampurattis are married to Nambutiri husbands, the Koil Tampurans themselves take wives from the families of Rajas. Rajas may keep Nayar or Samanta ladies as mistresses, the same being the case with the Tampans and Tirumalppads also. The [85]Ranis of Pantalam take Nambutiri husbands, while Tampan and Tirumalppad women live with any class of Brahmans. No Kshatriya lady is permitted to leave her home for that of her husband, and so no grihaprevesa ceremony prevails among them. Thirteen is the proper age for marrying girls, but the marriage may be postponed until the choice of a fit husband is made. In the branches of the Kolattunad family, girls who attain puberty as maids are obliged to keep a vow, in honour of Ganapati.
The Tampan and Tirumalppad women, as also those of the Pantalam family, have their talis (marriage badge) tied by Aryappattars. Remarriage of widows is permitted. Polygamy is rare. Divorce may take place at the will of either party, and prevails largely in practice. The Rajas make a donation of Rs. 50 to 70 as stridhanam, excepting those of Pantalam, who only pay about Rs. 35.
Some time before the auspicious hour for the marriage of a Koil Tampuratti, the Brahmanipattu, or recitation of certain Puranic songs by a female of the Brahmani caste, begins. Four lighted lamps are placed in the middle of the hall, with a fifth dedicated to Ganapati in the centre. While these songs are being sung, the bride appears in the tattu dress with a brass minu and a bunch of flowers in her hand, and sits on a wooden seat kept ready for the purpose. The songs generally relate to the conception of Devaki, and the birth of Krishna. Then a Nayar of the Illam sept waves a pot containing cocoanut, flowers, burning wicks, etc, before the bride, after which she rises to wash her feet. At this point the bridegroom arrives, riding on an elephant, with a sword in his hand, and the procession is conducted with much ceremony and ostentation. He then bathes, and two pieces of cloth, to be worn by him thereafter, are touched [86]by the bride. Wearing them, the bridegroom approaches the bride, and presents her with a suit of clothes known as the mantrakoti. One of the clothes is worn as a tattu, and with the other the whole body is covered. The mother of the bride gives her a brass mirror and a garland, both of which she takes in her hand to the altar where the marriage is to be performed. After the punyaha, accompanied by a few preliminary homas or sacrifices to the fire, by the Nambutiri family priest, the first item in the ceremony, known as mukhadarsana or seeing each other, begins. The bride then removes the cloth covering her body. The next events are udakapurva, panigrahana, and mangalyadharana, which are respectively the presentation by the bride of water to the bridegroom, his taking her hand in token of the union, and tying the tali round the neck of the bride. The next item is the saptapadi (seven feet), and the last dikshaviruppu, peculiar to the Malayalam Kshatriyas. A particular room is gaily decorated, and a long piece of white cotton cloth is spread on the floor. Upon this a black carpet is spread, and a lighted lamp, which should never be extinguished, placed in the vicinity. The bride has to remain in this room throughout the marriage. On the marriage night commences the aupasana, or joint sacrifice to the fire. On the fourth day are the mangalasnana or auspicious bath, and procession through the town. On that night consummation takes place. The procession of the bridegroom (mappilapurappat) to the house of the bride is a noticeable item. The brother of the bride receives him at the gate, and, after washing his feet, informs him that he may bathe and marry the girl. The uduku-purva rite is performed by the brother himself. When the bridegroom leaves the marriage hall with the bride, an armed [87]Pandala stops them, and a fixed present is given to him. Every rite is performed according to the method prescribed by Bodhayana among the Koil Tampurans and Rajas, the family at Pantalam alone following the directions of Asvalayana. On the fourth day, the contracting couple bathe, and wear clothes previously dipped in turmeric water. At night, while the Brahmani song is going on, they sit on a plank, where jasmine flowers are put on, and the goddess Bhagavathi is worshipped. The brides maternal uncle ties a sword round her loins, which is immediately untied by the bridegroom in token of the fact that he is her future supporter. Panchamehani is a peculiar rite on the fifth day, when an atti (Ficus, sp.) tree is decorated, and an offering of food made on the grass before it. The couple also make a pretence of catching fish. In modern times, the Pantalam Rajas do not patronise the songs of the Brahmani, and, among them, the panchamehani is conspicuous by its absence.
Women are in theory the real owners of property, though in practice the eldest male has the management of the whole. There is no division of property, but, in some cases, certain estates are specially allotted for the maintenance of specific members. The authorities of the Malayala Kshatriyas in all matters of social dispute are the Nambutiri Vaidikas.
When a girl reaches puberty, she is kept in a room twelve feet apart from the rest for a period of three days. On the fourth day, after a bath, she puts on a new cloth, and walks, with a brass mirror in her hand, to her house. Among the Kolattunad Rajas there are a few additional rites, including the Brahmanis song. The pumsavana and simanta are performed by the family priest. On the birth of a child, the jatakarma is performed, when women [88]mix honey and clarified butter with gold, to be given to the child. On the twelfth day, the Nambutiri priest performs the namakarna, after a purifying ceremony which terminates the birth pollution. The eldest child is generally named Raja Raja Varma. Udaya Varma and Martanda Varma are names found among the Rajas, but absent among the Koil Tampurans. Martanda Varma was once exclusively used only among the members of the Travancore Royal Family. The full style and titles of the present Maharaja of Travancore are His Highness the Maharaja Sir Sri Padmanabha Dasa Vanchi Bala Rama Varma, Kulasekhara Kiritapati Sultan Manne Maharaja Raja Ramaraja Bahadur Samsher Jung, G.C.S.I, G.C.I.E. Raghava Varma is a name peculiar to the Pantalam Rajas. Women are, as in the case of Tirumalppads and Tampans, called Amba, Ambika, Ambalika, Mangala, etc.
The annaprasana and nishkramana are performed consecutively on the same day. The mother takes the child to the foot of a jak (Artocarpus integrifolia) tree, and, going thrice round it, touches it with the leg of the child, and then dips a golden ring in the payasa, and applies it to the childs lips. The same act is then repeated by the maternal uncle, father, and next of kin. The Yatrakali is attended with much éclat during the night. The upanayana, or investiture with the sacred thread, takes place as late as the sixteenth year. As a preliminary rite on the same day, the chaula or tonsure ceremony is performed. It is formally done by the Nambutiri priest in the capacity of guru or preceptor, and left to be completed by the Maran. The priest then invests the boy with the thread, and, with the sacrificial fire as lord and witness, initiates him into the Gayatri prayer. All Kshatriyas are obliged to repeat this prayer [89]ten times morning and evening. On the fourth day, the youth listens to a few Vaidic hymns recited by the priest. There is not the prolonged course of discipline of a Brahmanical Brahmachari, such as the Nambutiris so religiously observe. The samavartana, or completion of the pupilage ceremony, takes place on the fourth day. The ceremony of proceeding to Benares, the pre-eminent seat of learning in ancient days, which is the natural after-event of the Vaidic pupilage, is then gone through, as in the case of Brahmans. A would-be father-in-law intercedes, and requests the snataka to bless his daughter, and settle in life as a grihastha. The Nambutiri priest then reminds the boy of his duty as a Kshatriya, and gives him a sword as a symbol of his pre-ordained function in society. He then becomes a grihastha, and may chew betel leaf. The Saivite panchakshara, and the Vaishnavite ashtakshara are also taught, and are invariably recited after the performance of the daily duties. For girls only the chaula is performed, and that along with her marriage. On the occasion of birthdays, the family priest performs the ayushya homa, and shashtipurti, or celebration of the sixtieth birthday, is also observed as an important religious occasion.
The funeral ceremonies are almost the same as those of Nambutiris. When a Koil Tampuran dies, he is placed on the bare floor, some hymns being recited in his ears. The corpse is placed on a stretcher made of plantain stems, and the head is touched with a razor in token of shaving. It is bathed, covered with a new cloth, and decorated with flowers and sandal paste. Kusa grass is received at the hands of a Maran. The funeral rites are performed by the nephews. Pollution is observed for eleven days and nights. A religious vow is observed for a year. The offering to the spirit of the [90]deceased is not in the form of cooked food, but of presents to Brahmans. All the Malayala Kshatriyas are adherents of the Yajur-veda. The anniversary of maternal grandmothers, and even sisters is punctiliously observed. If a maternal aunt or grandaunt dies without children, their sraddhas must be performed as for the rest.
The Malayala Kshatriyas hold rank next to the Brahmans, and above the Ilayatus. They are permitted to take their meal in the same row with the Brahmans, and receive prasada from the temples directly from the priest, and standing at the right side of the inner gate.
Further information concerning the Malayala Kshatriyas is contained in an article by Mr. K. Rama Varma Raja,27 who concludes as followsThe Kshatriya community is an intermediate caste between the Brahmin (Namburi) and the Sudra (Nair) classes, and has affinities to both; to the former in matters of ablution, ceremonies, food and drink, and to the latter in those of real matrimonial relations and inheritance, i.e, the constitution and propagation of the family…. The intermediate caste must be the Aryans more Dravidianised, or the Dravidians more Aryanised, that is, the Aryans degraded or the Dravidians elevated, more probably the latter.
It is recorded,28 in a note on the ancestry of the Rajas of Jeypore, that the family chronicles ascribe a very ancient origin to the line of the Jeypore Zamindars. Beginning with Kanakasena of the solar race, a general and feudatory of the king of Kashmir, they trace the pedigree through thirty-two generations down to Vinayaka Deo, a younger son, who left Kashmir rather than hold a subordinate position, went to Benares, did penance [91]to Kasi Visvesvarasvami there, and was told by the god in a dream to go to the kingdom of Nandapuram belonging to the Silavamsam line, of which he would become king. Vinayaka Deo, continues the legend, proceeded thither, married the kings daughter, succeeded in 1443 A.D. to the famous throne of thirty-two steps there, and founded the family of Jeypore. Vinayaka Deo and his six successors, say the family papers, had each only one son, and the sixth of them, Vira Vikrama (1637& Kshatriya caste is one of the many castes subcastes of India.
India has thousands of castes and subcastes, they are in existence and practice since the Vedic times. They were created to solve the problem of division of labor. Kshatriya caste name could indicate the type of work people belonging to the Kshatriya caste do or did in earlier times. Many last names in India indicate the place the person originally belongs to. All castes sub castes are primarily divided into 4 categories:
1.Brahmins – The learned or priestly class
2.Khastriyas – The warrior class or those with governing functions
3.Vaishyas – The trader, agriculturalists or cattle rearers class
4.Shudra – The class that serves other three categories
Kshatriya caste belongs to one of the above 4 categories. Indian caste system is the best system to solve the problem of division of labor. In earlier times there was no rigidity in caste system. Indian caste system is still the best solution for the problem of division of labor, the only change that is needed as per changed times is that rather than having a vertical hierarchical system with Brahmins on top and Shudras at bottom, it would be good to have a horizontal socialist system with Brahmins, Khastriyas, Vaishyas and Shudras all at same level.
The caste system of India is in ruins at present. It is also cause of bloody quarrels in certain parts of the rural India. People of backward castes have reservations in government jobs, this facility is widely misused in India. Many of the backward caste people have become rich and still use the facility for their benefit. Many in India believe reservation in jobs should be given on the basis of poverty rather than caste because there are many poors in upper castes as well.
Many criticize the Indian caste system because of bad material condition of lower castes but if they observe in an unbiased way they would find that there are many in upper castes with bad material conditions. The problem lies in power not in castes, power can corrupt anyone be it from upper caste or lower caste.
All cultures, all countries, all religions have caste system in one form or the other. Christians have different churches depending on the region or language or skin color of people. Muslims have a priestly class that tries to control everything. Arab Muslims before the oil boom were so much divided among tribes that if you drank water from a well of a different tribe you could be shot dead. Tribal divisions still exists among Muslims. You can also see the caste system in a different form in your corporate companies. I had seen different food and drinking facilities for people at different levels.
Kshatriya caste is also known as Kshatriya Gotra.
Caste situation is quiet different in urban India, people in urban areas especially youngsters don?t bother about castes. Inter caste, inter religious, inter lingual marriages are quiet common in urban India. Inter caste, inter religious and inter lingual marriages in rural areas attract severe criticism and many times people are expelled from community for not marrying as per religious and caste rules.